Jamie Mulhall: The case for Anglo-Gaullism – a new conservative purpose
Why resist verification?
Jamie Mulhall is a Conservative councillor in Derby, Deputy Chairman of the LGBT+ Conservatives, and former Parliamentary Candidate for Derby South.
The Conservative Party is in a fight for its life. Not because our values are wrong, but because we have too often failed to articulate them with confidence. Where some see a pincer movement between a stalling Labour government and the noisy insurgency of Reform, I see a historic opportunity for renewal.
This is our moment to stop reacting to the agendas of others and start defining our own. If we remain a party that oscillates between panicked populism and grey managerialism, we will not just lose the next election, we will deserve to.
At moments of national uncertainty, Conservatism has always renewed itself not by chasing shadows, but by reclaiming its purpose. That is why the time has come for Anglo-Gaullism.
Anglo-Gaullism is not authoritarianism with a glossy fresh coat of paint, nor is it technocratic liberalism with a Union Jack draped over a Whitehall excel spreadsheet. While it draws inspiration from Charles de Gaulle’s focus on national prestige, it is emphatically British, shaped by our parliamentary democracy, our common law tradition, and our instinctive suspicion of over-mighty bureaucracies.
At its core, it rests on five pillars:
The Nation-State is the Primary Actor: Supranationalism is a hollow substitute for the loyalty of citizens.
The State Must Be Strong, But Limited: It should do a few things with overwhelming competence rather than a thousand things poorly.
Markets are Servants, Not Masters: Capitalism is the engine of prosperity, but it must operate within a strategic national framework.
Democratic Legitimacy Outranks Technocracy: Decisions should be made by those we can fire, not those we can’t find.
Patriotism is a Civic Virtue: It is the glue of a diverse society, not a cultural weapon.
This isn’t a rejection of Thatcherism; it is its necessary evolution. Margaret Thatcher broke the “managed decline” of the 1970s by restoring market discipline, curbing inflation, and reasserting the primacy of enterprise over the state. But Britain in 2026 and going into the 2030s faces different demons: energy insecurity, stagnant productivity, and a world in which “just-in-time” supply chains have proven dangerously fragile. Fidelity to Conservatism means adapting principles to new conditions, not freezing them in aspic.
Nor is Anglo-Gaullism a rejection of One Nation Conservatism. Figures such as Benjamin Disraeli understood that national cohesion, social stability, and economic strength are inseparable. The Conservative tradition has always accepted that the state has a legitimate role in binding the nation together and safeguarding the long-term national interest. …
Why resist verification?
Jamie Mulhall is a Conservative councillor in Derby, Deputy Chairman of the LGBT+ Conservatives, and former Parliamentary Candidate for Derby South.
The Conservative Party is in a fight for its life. Not because our values are wrong, but because we have too often failed to articulate them with confidence. Where some see a pincer movement between a stalling Labour government and the noisy insurgency of Reform, I see a historic opportunity for renewal.
This is our moment to stop reacting to the agendas of others and start defining our own. If we remain a party that oscillates between panicked populism and grey managerialism, we will not just lose the next election, we will deserve to.
At moments of national uncertainty, Conservatism has always renewed itself not by chasing shadows, but by reclaiming its purpose. That is why the time has come for Anglo-Gaullism.
Anglo-Gaullism is not authoritarianism with a glossy fresh coat of paint, nor is it technocratic liberalism with a Union Jack draped over a Whitehall excel spreadsheet. While it draws inspiration from Charles de Gaulle’s focus on national prestige, it is emphatically British, shaped by our parliamentary democracy, our common law tradition, and our instinctive suspicion of over-mighty bureaucracies.
At its core, it rests on five pillars:
The Nation-State is the Primary Actor: Supranationalism is a hollow substitute for the loyalty of citizens.
The State Must Be Strong, But Limited: It should do a few things with overwhelming competence rather than a thousand things poorly.
Markets are Servants, Not Masters: Capitalism is the engine of prosperity, but it must operate within a strategic national framework.
Democratic Legitimacy Outranks Technocracy: Decisions should be made by those we can fire, not those we can’t find.
Patriotism is a Civic Virtue: It is the glue of a diverse society, not a cultural weapon.
This isn’t a rejection of Thatcherism; it is its necessary evolution. Margaret Thatcher broke the “managed decline” of the 1970s by restoring market discipline, curbing inflation, and reasserting the primacy of enterprise over the state. But Britain in 2026 and going into the 2030s faces different demons: energy insecurity, stagnant productivity, and a world in which “just-in-time” supply chains have proven dangerously fragile. Fidelity to Conservatism means adapting principles to new conditions, not freezing them in aspic.
Nor is Anglo-Gaullism a rejection of One Nation Conservatism. Figures such as Benjamin Disraeli understood that national cohesion, social stability, and economic strength are inseparable. The Conservative tradition has always accepted that the state has a legitimate role in binding the nation together and safeguarding the long-term national interest. …
Jamie Mulhall: The case for Anglo-Gaullism – a new conservative purpose
Why resist verification?
Jamie Mulhall is a Conservative councillor in Derby, Deputy Chairman of the LGBT+ Conservatives, and former Parliamentary Candidate for Derby South.
The Conservative Party is in a fight for its life. Not because our values are wrong, but because we have too often failed to articulate them with confidence. Where some see a pincer movement between a stalling Labour government and the noisy insurgency of Reform, I see a historic opportunity for renewal.
This is our moment to stop reacting to the agendas of others and start defining our own. If we remain a party that oscillates between panicked populism and grey managerialism, we will not just lose the next election, we will deserve to.
At moments of national uncertainty, Conservatism has always renewed itself not by chasing shadows, but by reclaiming its purpose. That is why the time has come for Anglo-Gaullism.
Anglo-Gaullism is not authoritarianism with a glossy fresh coat of paint, nor is it technocratic liberalism with a Union Jack draped over a Whitehall excel spreadsheet. While it draws inspiration from Charles de Gaulle’s focus on national prestige, it is emphatically British, shaped by our parliamentary democracy, our common law tradition, and our instinctive suspicion of over-mighty bureaucracies.
At its core, it rests on five pillars:
The Nation-State is the Primary Actor: Supranationalism is a hollow substitute for the loyalty of citizens.
The State Must Be Strong, But Limited: It should do a few things with overwhelming competence rather than a thousand things poorly.
Markets are Servants, Not Masters: Capitalism is the engine of prosperity, but it must operate within a strategic national framework.
Democratic Legitimacy Outranks Technocracy: Decisions should be made by those we can fire, not those we can’t find.
Patriotism is a Civic Virtue: It is the glue of a diverse society, not a cultural weapon.
This isn’t a rejection of Thatcherism; it is its necessary evolution. Margaret Thatcher broke the “managed decline” of the 1970s by restoring market discipline, curbing inflation, and reasserting the primacy of enterprise over the state. But Britain in 2026 and going into the 2030s faces different demons: energy insecurity, stagnant productivity, and a world in which “just-in-time” supply chains have proven dangerously fragile. Fidelity to Conservatism means adapting principles to new conditions, not freezing them in aspic.
Nor is Anglo-Gaullism a rejection of One Nation Conservatism. Figures such as Benjamin Disraeli understood that national cohesion, social stability, and economic strength are inseparable. The Conservative tradition has always accepted that the state has a legitimate role in binding the nation together and safeguarding the long-term national interest. …
0 Comments
0 Shares
50 Views
0 Reviews
