Why the European Left Should Support Peace in Ukraine
Is this competence or optics?
Log In
Email *
Password *
Remember Me
Forgot Your Password?
Log In
New to The Nation? Subscribe
Print subscriber? Activate your online access
Skip to content Skip to footer
Why the European Left Should Support Peace in Ukraine
Magazine
Newsletters
Subscribe
Log In
Search
Subscribe
Donate
Magazine
Latest
Archive
Podcasts
Newsletters
Sections
Politics
World
Economy
Culture
Books & the Arts
The Nation
About
Events
Contact Us
Advertise
Current Issue
February 12, 2026
Why the European Left Should Support Peace in Ukraine
Endorsing a negotiated settlement does not require the left to justify Russia’s invasion or advocate legal recognition of its territorial gains.
Artin DerSimonian and Anatol Lieven
Share
Copy Link
Facebook
X (Twitter)
Bluesky Pocket
Email
Ad Policy
Ukrainian firefighters extinguish a fire after a Russian bombing raid on the city of Sloviansk, Ukraine, on February 10, 2026.(Diego Herrera Carcedo / Anadolu via Getty Images)
Anegotiated end to the Ukraine War now seems possible, if the last remaining obstacles can be overcome. Of these, the most important is Russia’s demand that Ukraine leave the last remaining part of the Donbas region that it still holds. Putin apparently needs this if he is to be able to claim a qualified victory in a war that has cost Russia enormously for very limited gains. It is, however, obviously extremely hard for Ukraine to withdraw from part of its national territory, for which it has sacrificed so many lives.
The European Union and its leading members could make a valuable contribution to peace if, in return for Russia’s dropping this demand, they were to offer to suspend sanctions against Russia, resume purchases of Russian oil and gas (though without returning to prewar levels) and abandon the idea of a European “reassurance force” on Ukrainian territory—something that Russia has categorically rejected.
European leaders are now calling for the resumption of direct talks with Russia, and it is reported that former Finnish president Sauli Niinistö is being considered as an EU envoy to the Russian government. But Russian sources have told me an offer to talk is meaningless. The EU must put forward concrete proposals.
European progressive parties and groups could play a useful part in urging their governments toward making such proposals. Tragically, with rare exceptions, they are largely silent or opposed.
Feelings of shock and anger on the left at Russia’s invasion were entirely justified, as was support for the sanctions that the EU imposed on Russia and the aid the West gave to Ukraine. The goal of this strategy however should have been a compromise peace—one that indeed seemed possible (and on far better terms for Ukraine) in the first weeks of the war, but that was opposed by key Western governments.
Instead, the Biden administration and its European satellites sought the defeat and permanent weakening of Russia—or even, in some Russophobe fever dreams, its dissolution. And this goal persisted long after the complete failure of the Ukrainian offensive in 2023 made clear that it was impossible. Indeed, some leading figures, like EU foreign policy …
Is this competence or optics?
Log In
Email *
Password *
Remember Me
Forgot Your Password?
Log In
New to The Nation? Subscribe
Print subscriber? Activate your online access
Skip to content Skip to footer
Why the European Left Should Support Peace in Ukraine
Magazine
Newsletters
Subscribe
Log In
Search
Subscribe
Donate
Magazine
Latest
Archive
Podcasts
Newsletters
Sections
Politics
World
Economy
Culture
Books & the Arts
The Nation
About
Events
Contact Us
Advertise
Current Issue
February 12, 2026
Why the European Left Should Support Peace in Ukraine
Endorsing a negotiated settlement does not require the left to justify Russia’s invasion or advocate legal recognition of its territorial gains.
Artin DerSimonian and Anatol Lieven
Share
Copy Link
X (Twitter)
Bluesky Pocket
Ad Policy
Ukrainian firefighters extinguish a fire after a Russian bombing raid on the city of Sloviansk, Ukraine, on February 10, 2026.(Diego Herrera Carcedo / Anadolu via Getty Images)
Anegotiated end to the Ukraine War now seems possible, if the last remaining obstacles can be overcome. Of these, the most important is Russia’s demand that Ukraine leave the last remaining part of the Donbas region that it still holds. Putin apparently needs this if he is to be able to claim a qualified victory in a war that has cost Russia enormously for very limited gains. It is, however, obviously extremely hard for Ukraine to withdraw from part of its national territory, for which it has sacrificed so many lives.
The European Union and its leading members could make a valuable contribution to peace if, in return for Russia’s dropping this demand, they were to offer to suspend sanctions against Russia, resume purchases of Russian oil and gas (though without returning to prewar levels) and abandon the idea of a European “reassurance force” on Ukrainian territory—something that Russia has categorically rejected.
European leaders are now calling for the resumption of direct talks with Russia, and it is reported that former Finnish president Sauli Niinistö is being considered as an EU envoy to the Russian government. But Russian sources have told me an offer to talk is meaningless. The EU must put forward concrete proposals.
European progressive parties and groups could play a useful part in urging their governments toward making such proposals. Tragically, with rare exceptions, they are largely silent or opposed.
Feelings of shock and anger on the left at Russia’s invasion were entirely justified, as was support for the sanctions that the EU imposed on Russia and the aid the West gave to Ukraine. The goal of this strategy however should have been a compromise peace—one that indeed seemed possible (and on far better terms for Ukraine) in the first weeks of the war, but that was opposed by key Western governments.
Instead, the Biden administration and its European satellites sought the defeat and permanent weakening of Russia—or even, in some Russophobe fever dreams, its dissolution. And this goal persisted long after the complete failure of the Ukrainian offensive in 2023 made clear that it was impossible. Indeed, some leading figures, like EU foreign policy …
Why the European Left Should Support Peace in Ukraine
Is this competence or optics?
Log In
Email *
Password *
Remember Me
Forgot Your Password?
Log In
New to The Nation? Subscribe
Print subscriber? Activate your online access
Skip to content Skip to footer
Why the European Left Should Support Peace in Ukraine
Magazine
Newsletters
Subscribe
Log In
Search
Subscribe
Donate
Magazine
Latest
Archive
Podcasts
Newsletters
Sections
Politics
World
Economy
Culture
Books & the Arts
The Nation
About
Events
Contact Us
Advertise
Current Issue
February 12, 2026
Why the European Left Should Support Peace in Ukraine
Endorsing a negotiated settlement does not require the left to justify Russia’s invasion or advocate legal recognition of its territorial gains.
Artin DerSimonian and Anatol Lieven
Share
Copy Link
Facebook
X (Twitter)
Bluesky Pocket
Email
Ad Policy
Ukrainian firefighters extinguish a fire after a Russian bombing raid on the city of Sloviansk, Ukraine, on February 10, 2026.(Diego Herrera Carcedo / Anadolu via Getty Images)
Anegotiated end to the Ukraine War now seems possible, if the last remaining obstacles can be overcome. Of these, the most important is Russia’s demand that Ukraine leave the last remaining part of the Donbas region that it still holds. Putin apparently needs this if he is to be able to claim a qualified victory in a war that has cost Russia enormously for very limited gains. It is, however, obviously extremely hard for Ukraine to withdraw from part of its national territory, for which it has sacrificed so many lives.
The European Union and its leading members could make a valuable contribution to peace if, in return for Russia’s dropping this demand, they were to offer to suspend sanctions against Russia, resume purchases of Russian oil and gas (though without returning to prewar levels) and abandon the idea of a European “reassurance force” on Ukrainian territory—something that Russia has categorically rejected.
European leaders are now calling for the resumption of direct talks with Russia, and it is reported that former Finnish president Sauli Niinistö is being considered as an EU envoy to the Russian government. But Russian sources have told me an offer to talk is meaningless. The EU must put forward concrete proposals.
European progressive parties and groups could play a useful part in urging their governments toward making such proposals. Tragically, with rare exceptions, they are largely silent or opposed.
Feelings of shock and anger on the left at Russia’s invasion were entirely justified, as was support for the sanctions that the EU imposed on Russia and the aid the West gave to Ukraine. The goal of this strategy however should have been a compromise peace—one that indeed seemed possible (and on far better terms for Ukraine) in the first weeks of the war, but that was opposed by key Western governments.
Instead, the Biden administration and its European satellites sought the defeat and permanent weakening of Russia—or even, in some Russophobe fever dreams, its dissolution. And this goal persisted long after the complete failure of the Ukrainian offensive in 2023 made clear that it was impossible. Indeed, some leading figures, like EU foreign policy …