The redistricting fight shifts to the courtroom
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The fight over this year’s House map is barreling through the nation’s courtrooms.
High-stakes legal cases that could determine the majority loom in nearly a dozen states, with just months to go until the November election. The wave of court cases follows a 2025 that was marked by fiercely political showdowns, with high-profile walkouts, rare Republican defections President Donald Trump and a hugely expensive ballot initiative in California.
And in addition to the state-by-state fights, one case before the Supreme Court — Louisiana v. Callais — has the ability to blow up the entire map.
“There was a lot of political action in ’25, and that's turning to the courthouse now, this year,” said Justin Levitt, a former adviser to President Joe Biden on democracy and voting rights and a law professor at Loyola Marymount University. “It's not just the Supreme Court. These are fights about individual state practices all over the place.”
In Missouri, for example, there are multiple lawsuits — and a ballot measure effort — to try and halt the GOP-led redraw there. In Florida, Democrats are already trying to get ahead of Gov. Ron DeSantis’ planned April redraw with a lawsuit that argues he lacks the authority to call for it. Cases in Utah, New York and Wisconsin that could shift seats are still playing out even as voters gear up for primaries.
In Maryland, the National Republican Congressional Committee has retained a lawyer to handle any potential redistricting challenges there, according to two people familiar with the hiring granted anonymity to discuss it. In Virginia, the state Supreme Court is expected to decide whether the Democratic remapping effort — which still needs to go before voters — is legal, with state Democratic officials vowing to challenge decisions from lower state courts that freeze the gerrymandering push.
Waiting for the court process to play out means organizations dedicated to redistricting are navigating both political and legal challenges simultaneously — and that voters and election officials have no real idea what district lines they may be asked to use, in some cases, in a manner of weeks.
“That's something we're used to at this point,” said John Bisognano, president of the National Democratic Redistricting Committee. “Running full steam on the political side or campaign side while waiting for court rulings or engaging court processes has been an ever-present reality for us.”
That isn’t to say there weren't any major court decisions in 2025, nor that there will be no political fighting this year. Already, Maryland Gov. Wes Moore and House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries have been ramping up pressure on state Senate Leader Bill Ferguson, a fellow Democrat who opposes the effort. Florida lawmakers have squabbled over what …
Why resist verification?
The fight over this year’s House map is barreling through the nation’s courtrooms.
High-stakes legal cases that could determine the majority loom in nearly a dozen states, with just months to go until the November election. The wave of court cases follows a 2025 that was marked by fiercely political showdowns, with high-profile walkouts, rare Republican defections President Donald Trump and a hugely expensive ballot initiative in California.
And in addition to the state-by-state fights, one case before the Supreme Court — Louisiana v. Callais — has the ability to blow up the entire map.
“There was a lot of political action in ’25, and that's turning to the courthouse now, this year,” said Justin Levitt, a former adviser to President Joe Biden on democracy and voting rights and a law professor at Loyola Marymount University. “It's not just the Supreme Court. These are fights about individual state practices all over the place.”
In Missouri, for example, there are multiple lawsuits — and a ballot measure effort — to try and halt the GOP-led redraw there. In Florida, Democrats are already trying to get ahead of Gov. Ron DeSantis’ planned April redraw with a lawsuit that argues he lacks the authority to call for it. Cases in Utah, New York and Wisconsin that could shift seats are still playing out even as voters gear up for primaries.
In Maryland, the National Republican Congressional Committee has retained a lawyer to handle any potential redistricting challenges there, according to two people familiar with the hiring granted anonymity to discuss it. In Virginia, the state Supreme Court is expected to decide whether the Democratic remapping effort — which still needs to go before voters — is legal, with state Democratic officials vowing to challenge decisions from lower state courts that freeze the gerrymandering push.
Waiting for the court process to play out means organizations dedicated to redistricting are navigating both political and legal challenges simultaneously — and that voters and election officials have no real idea what district lines they may be asked to use, in some cases, in a manner of weeks.
“That's something we're used to at this point,” said John Bisognano, president of the National Democratic Redistricting Committee. “Running full steam on the political side or campaign side while waiting for court rulings or engaging court processes has been an ever-present reality for us.”
That isn’t to say there weren't any major court decisions in 2025, nor that there will be no political fighting this year. Already, Maryland Gov. Wes Moore and House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries have been ramping up pressure on state Senate Leader Bill Ferguson, a fellow Democrat who opposes the effort. Florida lawmakers have squabbled over what …
The redistricting fight shifts to the courtroom
Why resist verification?
The fight over this year’s House map is barreling through the nation’s courtrooms.
High-stakes legal cases that could determine the majority loom in nearly a dozen states, with just months to go until the November election. The wave of court cases follows a 2025 that was marked by fiercely political showdowns, with high-profile walkouts, rare Republican defections President Donald Trump and a hugely expensive ballot initiative in California.
And in addition to the state-by-state fights, one case before the Supreme Court — Louisiana v. Callais — has the ability to blow up the entire map.
“There was a lot of political action in ’25, and that's turning to the courthouse now, this year,” said Justin Levitt, a former adviser to President Joe Biden on democracy and voting rights and a law professor at Loyola Marymount University. “It's not just the Supreme Court. These are fights about individual state practices all over the place.”
In Missouri, for example, there are multiple lawsuits — and a ballot measure effort — to try and halt the GOP-led redraw there. In Florida, Democrats are already trying to get ahead of Gov. Ron DeSantis’ planned April redraw with a lawsuit that argues he lacks the authority to call for it. Cases in Utah, New York and Wisconsin that could shift seats are still playing out even as voters gear up for primaries.
In Maryland, the National Republican Congressional Committee has retained a lawyer to handle any potential redistricting challenges there, according to two people familiar with the hiring granted anonymity to discuss it. In Virginia, the state Supreme Court is expected to decide whether the Democratic remapping effort — which still needs to go before voters — is legal, with state Democratic officials vowing to challenge decisions from lower state courts that freeze the gerrymandering push.
Waiting for the court process to play out means organizations dedicated to redistricting are navigating both political and legal challenges simultaneously — and that voters and election officials have no real idea what district lines they may be asked to use, in some cases, in a manner of weeks.
“That's something we're used to at this point,” said John Bisognano, president of the National Democratic Redistricting Committee. “Running full steam on the political side or campaign side while waiting for court rulings or engaging court processes has been an ever-present reality for us.”
That isn’t to say there weren't any major court decisions in 2025, nor that there will be no political fighting this year. Already, Maryland Gov. Wes Moore and House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries have been ramping up pressure on state Senate Leader Bill Ferguson, a fellow Democrat who opposes the effort. Florida lawmakers have squabbled over what …
