Hegseth once warned against endless wars. Now he’s leading Trump’s strike-first doctrine
What's the administration thinking here?
In a little over a year, the United States has carried out dozens of airstrikes on vessels in the Caribbean tied to alleged narco-trafficking networks, launched sustained operations against Houthi forces in the Red Sea, captured Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro, struck Iranian nuclear facilities and now embarked on an extended military campaign aimed at degrading Tehran’s missile, drone and command infrastructure.
The tempo marks one of the most assertive stretches of American force projection in recent years, spanning Latin America, the Middle East and critical maritime corridors.
For War Secretary Pete Hegseth, it also represents a striking turn.
HEGSETH BLASTS BRITS, SAYS IRAN'S CHAOTIC RETALIATION HAS DRIVEN ITS OWN ALLIES 'INTO THE AMERICAN ORBIT'
Just before the 2024 presidential election, he described himself as a "recovering neocon," expressing regret over his support for Iraq-era interventionism and warning against open-ended wars.
Several analysts say the defining feature of the administration’s approach may be less about ideological evolution and more about alignment and execution.
"Unlike in Trump one, everyone in Trump's cabinet now — Hegseth, Rubio, etc. — understands that the president is the boss," said Matthew Kroenig, a defense strategist at the Atlantic Council. "In Trump 1.0 you had some Cabinet officials who thought their job was to save the Republic from Trump, the so-called adults in the room. And so I think it's pretty clear the president wanted to go in this direction, and I think Hegseth sees himself as supporting the president's vision."
That cohesion has coincided with a pattern of risk-taking.
Several of the administration’s most consequential military moves, from Venezuela to the Houthis to the current Iran campaign, carried the potential for escalation.
Some strategists say the relative absence of early blowback from those interventions may have reinforced the administration’s willingness to escalate into the Iranian theater.
PENTAGON POLICY CHIEF GRILLED AS DEM CLAIMS TRUMP BROKE PROMISE ABOUT GOING TO WAR WITH IRAN
"I’m not sure I would have advised this," Kroenig said of the Iran operation. "It is pretty risky, but it’s going well so far."
Iranian missile launches have declined in volume. Regional allies have not broken ranks.
Whether that constitutes strategic success, however, depends on the metric.
Justin Fulcher, a former Pentagon adviser to Hegseth, argued the early phases of the campaign reflect what he described as a "return to strategic clarity."
"Deterrence is only credible when our allies actually …
What's the administration thinking here?
In a little over a year, the United States has carried out dozens of airstrikes on vessels in the Caribbean tied to alleged narco-trafficking networks, launched sustained operations against Houthi forces in the Red Sea, captured Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro, struck Iranian nuclear facilities and now embarked on an extended military campaign aimed at degrading Tehran’s missile, drone and command infrastructure.
The tempo marks one of the most assertive stretches of American force projection in recent years, spanning Latin America, the Middle East and critical maritime corridors.
For War Secretary Pete Hegseth, it also represents a striking turn.
HEGSETH BLASTS BRITS, SAYS IRAN'S CHAOTIC RETALIATION HAS DRIVEN ITS OWN ALLIES 'INTO THE AMERICAN ORBIT'
Just before the 2024 presidential election, he described himself as a "recovering neocon," expressing regret over his support for Iraq-era interventionism and warning against open-ended wars.
Several analysts say the defining feature of the administration’s approach may be less about ideological evolution and more about alignment and execution.
"Unlike in Trump one, everyone in Trump's cabinet now — Hegseth, Rubio, etc. — understands that the president is the boss," said Matthew Kroenig, a defense strategist at the Atlantic Council. "In Trump 1.0 you had some Cabinet officials who thought their job was to save the Republic from Trump, the so-called adults in the room. And so I think it's pretty clear the president wanted to go in this direction, and I think Hegseth sees himself as supporting the president's vision."
That cohesion has coincided with a pattern of risk-taking.
Several of the administration’s most consequential military moves, from Venezuela to the Houthis to the current Iran campaign, carried the potential for escalation.
Some strategists say the relative absence of early blowback from those interventions may have reinforced the administration’s willingness to escalate into the Iranian theater.
PENTAGON POLICY CHIEF GRILLED AS DEM CLAIMS TRUMP BROKE PROMISE ABOUT GOING TO WAR WITH IRAN
"I’m not sure I would have advised this," Kroenig said of the Iran operation. "It is pretty risky, but it’s going well so far."
Iranian missile launches have declined in volume. Regional allies have not broken ranks.
Whether that constitutes strategic success, however, depends on the metric.
Justin Fulcher, a former Pentagon adviser to Hegseth, argued the early phases of the campaign reflect what he described as a "return to strategic clarity."
"Deterrence is only credible when our allies actually …
Hegseth once warned against endless wars. Now he’s leading Trump’s strike-first doctrine
What's the administration thinking here?
In a little over a year, the United States has carried out dozens of airstrikes on vessels in the Caribbean tied to alleged narco-trafficking networks, launched sustained operations against Houthi forces in the Red Sea, captured Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro, struck Iranian nuclear facilities and now embarked on an extended military campaign aimed at degrading Tehran’s missile, drone and command infrastructure.
The tempo marks one of the most assertive stretches of American force projection in recent years, spanning Latin America, the Middle East and critical maritime corridors.
For War Secretary Pete Hegseth, it also represents a striking turn.
HEGSETH BLASTS BRITS, SAYS IRAN'S CHAOTIC RETALIATION HAS DRIVEN ITS OWN ALLIES 'INTO THE AMERICAN ORBIT'
Just before the 2024 presidential election, he described himself as a "recovering neocon," expressing regret over his support for Iraq-era interventionism and warning against open-ended wars.
Several analysts say the defining feature of the administration’s approach may be less about ideological evolution and more about alignment and execution.
"Unlike in Trump one, everyone in Trump's cabinet now — Hegseth, Rubio, etc. — understands that the president is the boss," said Matthew Kroenig, a defense strategist at the Atlantic Council. "In Trump 1.0 you had some Cabinet officials who thought their job was to save the Republic from Trump, the so-called adults in the room. And so I think it's pretty clear the president wanted to go in this direction, and I think Hegseth sees himself as supporting the president's vision."
That cohesion has coincided with a pattern of risk-taking.
Several of the administration’s most consequential military moves, from Venezuela to the Houthis to the current Iran campaign, carried the potential for escalation.
Some strategists say the relative absence of early blowback from those interventions may have reinforced the administration’s willingness to escalate into the Iranian theater.
PENTAGON POLICY CHIEF GRILLED AS DEM CLAIMS TRUMP BROKE PROMISE ABOUT GOING TO WAR WITH IRAN
"I’m not sure I would have advised this," Kroenig said of the Iran operation. "It is pretty risky, but it’s going well so far."
Iranian missile launches have declined in volume. Regional allies have not broken ranks.
Whether that constitutes strategic success, however, depends on the metric.
Justin Fulcher, a former Pentagon adviser to Hegseth, argued the early phases of the campaign reflect what he described as a "return to strategic clarity."
"Deterrence is only credible when our allies actually …
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